国产av不卡一区二区_欧美xxxx做受欧美_成年人看的毛片_亚洲第一天堂在线观看_亚洲午夜精品久久久中文影院av_8x8ⅹ国产精品一区二区二区_久久精品国产sm调教网站演员_亚洲av综合色区无码一二三区_成人免费激情视频_国产九九九视频

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語(yǔ)Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Global Views

Earth shattering

As COP29 epitomized the fragmentation of contemporary climate governance, COP30 must reset it with a coherent regime

By YU HONGYUAN and ZHANG YASEN | China Daily Global | Updated: 2025-09-17 06:12
Share
Share - WeChat
WANG XIAOYING/CHINA DAILY

Global climate governance has entered a period of profound transformation. Following the signing of the Paris Agreement in April 2016, many had hoped that the international community would agree on a coherent set of rules and institutions capable of addressing climate change at the necessary speed and scale. Yet the reality today, starkly revealed by the 2024 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Baku (COP29), is one of accelerating fragmentation. Instead of consolidating collective action, the global system has splintered into overlapping institutions, inconsistent norms and competing coalitions.

Fragmentation in climate governance represents a fundamental disjuncture between the political, economic, legal and scientific subsystems that must interact to address climate change. Climate governance fragmentation arises when climate institutions interact, with the resulting gaps manifested as overlapping climate regimes, conflicting rules, and a growing disconnect between societal demands and institutional responses.

COP29 vividly demonstrated these dynamics. Although expected to be a breakthrough event for climate finance and carbon markets, COP29 exposed the depth of the current divisions. On finance, developing countries — including China, India, the Arab Group and the Small Island Developing States — called for a new collective quantified goal of at least $1.3 trillion annually, with half provided as grants rather than loans to avoid exacerbating debt crises. They argued that such resources are essential for low-carbon transitions across the Global South. Developed countries, led by the United States and parts of the European Union, rejected this scale of ambition. The final outcome was far more modest: by 2035, developed countries would "mobilize" $300 billion annually, mostly from private investments rather than direct public contributions. This gap between needs and commitments reflects both the US policy reversal under the second Donald Trump administration and a broader unwillingness among wealthy nations to accept their historical responsibilities. For vulnerable countries, it signals a persistent structural inequity in the global system.

Disputes were equally stark on fossil fuel phase-out. Arab oil-exporting countries strongly opposed any binding language on "phasing out" or even "phasing down" fossil fuels. To avoid open conflict, the final COP29 text omitted explicit references altogether, merely alluding indirectly to past agreements. This outcome underscores how divergent energy security priorities and economic dependencies block the emergence of a shared transition pathway.

Similarly, carbon market negotiations revealed persistent fragmentation. Although COP29 finalized long-delayed implementation rules for Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, this technical achievement was overshadowed by the reality that 36 different emissions trading systems currently operate worldwide, with 22 more in development. There is no mechanism to link these systems or standardize carbon credits. The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism further complicates the picture, introducing unilateral border measures that many developing countries — including China, India and South Africa — view as disguised protectionism incompatible with World Trade Organization principles.

Meanwhile, non-state actors — corporations, cities and non-governmental organizations — continue to expand their role through voluntary initiatives. While valuable, these efforts are often uncoordinated, resulting in a chaotic landscape of overlapping pledges and fragmented accountability.

COP29 thus epitomized the structural failures of contemporary climate governance. Feedback mechanisms are weak: the voices and needs of the most vulnerable are often excluded from decision-making, and financial flows reflect donor priorities rather than recipient realities.

The challenges are daunting, but fragmentation also creates opportunities. By recognizing the autonomy of different systems and actors, it is possible to design coupling mechanisms that enable coordination without imposing uniformity. Several pathways forward emerge. First, feedback mechanisms must be strengthened to integrate Global South priorities into global decision-making. This includes institutionalizing representation for vulnerable states in finance allocation processes and establishing metrics to assess equitable distribution. Second, the language of climate agreements must be clarified. Common terminology would reduce the scope for divergent interpretations. Third, cross-system coordination platforms are needed to align data systems, reporting standards and financial flows across fragmented regimes. Neutral spaces for dispute resolution could prevent carbon trade conflicts from escalating into broader geopolitical tensions. Finally, empowering South-South cooperation is crucial. Developing countries should not merely implement rules set elsewhere but actively shape norms and institutions.

In this context, China can play an important role. As both the world's largest developing country and a leading provider of clean energy technologies, China has the capacity to act as a bridge between diverse systems. It has consistently defended the principle of "common but differentiated responsibilities", resisting narratives that seek to reallocate historical obligations onto emerging economies. In response to attempts to shift the financial burden onto rising powers, China and its partners have proposed a fairness index for climate finance to evaluate contributions based on equity and capability rather than simplistic metrics of GDP or emissions.

China itself has dramatically scaled up its South-South cooperation. It has funded renewable energy projects, low-carbon infrastructure, agricultural resilience programs and capacity-building initiatives. Initiatives such as the Belt and Road Green Development Partnership and the Africa Solar Belt program exemplify how China is leveraging its industrial and technological strengths to empower vulnerable states. These efforts are not merely about aid; they are about constructing alternative governance pathways and demonstrating new models of cooperation. Through regional mechanisms with the African Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and BRICS, China is also promoting mutual recognition of green finance standards and carbon credits, challenging Northern-dominated evaluation systems that impose barriers on Global South projects.

But without successful collective actions between Global South and developed countries, we remain on track for a temperature rise of 2.7 C or more according to the projections of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. That will have catastrophic consequences for ecosystems, economies and societies.

COP30 in Belém, Brazil, will therefore be critical for testing new ideas such as the Brazil Climate and Ecological Transformation Investment Platform, the Tropical Forest Forever Facility and global climate risk insurance schemes. Whether these innovations succeed will depend on overcoming entrenched divisions and building structural coupling between fragmented systems. China's leadership in South-South cooperation will be critical to this effort. By amplifying vulnerable voices, providing tangible resources and demonstrating alternative models, China can help transform fragmentation from a source of paralysis into a foundation for resilience and diversity.

The future of global climate governance will not be determined by a single summit or agreement. It will emerge from countless interactions among states, markets and societies. While fragmentation is now a defining feature of the climate response, it need not mean failure if we act now. Through pragmatic convergence, inclusive multilateralism and shared responsibility, a more equitable and coherent climate regime is still possible. China, working with partners across the Global South and engaging with developed actors such as the EU, can help steer this transition. In doing so, it will not only address the defining challenge of our time but also shape the contours of international cooperation for decades to come.

Yu Hongyuan is a professor at the School of Political Science & International Relations at Tongji University. Zhang Yasen is a research assistant at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies. The authors contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
亚洲一区免费视频| 欧美jizzhd精品欧美另类| 色先锋影音岛国av资源| 亚洲国产欧美国产第一区| 亚洲va久久久噜噜噜久久| 国产毛片久久久| 久久激情综合| 欧美日本在线看| 欧美日韩亚洲高清| 五十路亲子中出中文字幕| www.成人| 午夜精品久久久久影视| 高清孕妇孕交╳╳交| 欧美区国产区| 亚洲精品国产精品乱码不99按摩 | 91视频www| 日韩禁在线播放| 日韩欧美在线观看一区二区| 欧美日韩国内| 欧洲精品在线观看| www.五月色.com| 久久亚洲精品爱爱| 久久精品无码一区二区三区| xvideos亚洲人网站| 制服师生第一页| 91露出在线| 国产一级成人av| 老司机亚洲精品| 91精品国产黑色紧身裤美女| 狠狠色噜噜狠狠狠狠8888| 久久99高清| 国产精品中文字幕欧美| 欧美性高清videossexo| 91精品成人久久| eeuss影院www影院| 日本三级在线视频| 午夜一级久久| 国产精品免费aⅴ片在线观看| 日韩精品中文字幕一区二区三区 | 日本伦理一区二区| 久久久久久久网| 免费看污网站| 日本伊人精品一区二区三区观看方式| 91av在线国产| 美女一区二区在线观看| 欧美最新大片在线看| 色琪琪免费视频网站| 亚洲精选91| 久久精品中文字幕电影| 精品肉辣文txt下载| 亚洲欧美视频在线观看视频| 一个人在线视频免费观看www| 91tv亚洲精品香蕉国产一区| 亚洲三级免费电影| 成年网在线观看免费观看网址| 天堂电影一区| 亚洲二区精品| 欧美色视频一区| 人人影院免费大片| 免费欧美视频| 欧美日韩国产高清一区二区三区| 中出在线观看| av一区二区在线播放| 亚洲三级小视频| 欧美激情精品久久久久久蜜臀 | 日韩在线精品视频| 操女生的网站| 羞羞答答成人影院www| 国产一区二区三区免费观看| 精品国产一区二区在线观看| 久久久成人av毛片免费观看| 欧美精品一二三| 超碰aⅴ人人做人人爽欧美| 色综合天天综合给合国产| 金瓶狂野欧美性猛交xxxx| 欧美日韩亚洲一区二区| 手机在线免费看av| 中文字幕在线视频一区| 免费在线黄色av| 久久国产夜色精品鲁鲁99| 欧美一级成年大片在线观看| 欧美极品在线观看| 亚洲毛茸茸少妇高潮呻吟| 黄色成人小视频| 亚洲va欧美va天堂v国产综合| 美女无遮挡网站| 亚洲理伦在线| 91嫩草香蕉| 岛国精品一区| 国产精品久久久久一区| 国产一起色一起爱| 玖玖玖电影综合影院| 亚洲国产精品久久久| 在线欧美成人| 国产精品18久久久久久vr| 欧美无遮挡国产欧美另类| av在线不卡顿| 中文字幕不卡av| 国产精品伦一区二区| 日韩欧美综合在线视频| 成人亚洲性情网站www在线观看| 成人永久免费视频| 清清草免费视频| 性高湖久久久久久久久| 88xx成人精品| 久久激情电影| 久久99国产综合精品女同| 成人福利免费在线观看| 精品免费99久久| 91av亚洲| 色哟哟国产精品| 成年人网站在线| 亚洲精品视频在线看| 在线看片你懂的| av成人老司机| 国产特级毛片| 99久久er热在这里只有精品66| 春意影院在线| 国产精品一二三区| 扒开腿狂躁女人爽出白浆2| 免费看欧美美女黄的网站| 久久精品视频在线观看榴莲视频| 亚洲天堂黄色| 欧美亚洲第一区| 午夜精品久久99蜜桃的功能介绍| 欧美激情亚洲一区| 中文字幕午夜精品一区二区三区 | 日韩欧美国产综合一区| 成人涩涩视频| 亚洲精品久久久一区二区三区| 日韩免费成人| yw.139尤物在线精品视频| 欧美日韩在线播放视频| 久久人人爽人人| 日韩视频二区| 中文字幕欧美专区| 欧美 亚欧 日韩视频在线| 男女作爱免费网站| 国产精品亚洲综合色区韩国| 欧美成人午夜做爰视频在线观看| 日韩午夜一区| 大肉大捧一进一出好爽| 成人avav影音| 在线看视频你懂的| 一区二区三区四区亚洲| brazzers在线观看| 欧美电影一区二区| 疯狂欧洲av久久成人av电影| 亚洲色图50p| 婷婷综合伊人| 欧美军同video69视频| 日韩极品在线观看| 天天操天天曰| 欧美国产国产综合| av观看在线| 欧美一级xxx| 国产精品对白久久久久粗| 精品国内产的精品视频在线观看| 国产精品久久久久蜜臀| 国产在线视频自拍| 成人高清视频免费观看| 在线国产1区| 欧美日韩在线视频首页| 视频在线日韩| 日日噜噜噜夜夜爽亚洲精品| 欧美日韩精品一本二本三本| 免费看片91| 亚洲国产岛国毛片在线| 亚洲黄色免费av| 这里只有精品丝袜| 午夜一级在线看亚洲| 最近中文字幕mv2018在线高清| 天天综合天天综合色| 日韩一区二区三区免费| 久久视频免费在线播放| 日韩国产欧美三级| 亚洲大胆精品| 精品美女在线观看| 怡红院精品视频在线观看极品| 成人天堂av| 欧美性极品xxxx做受| 久久a爱视频| 91网站免费| 尤物视频一区二区| 成人性生交大片免费看96| 韩国av在线播放| 1024成人网| 国产精品成人3p一区二区三区| 亚洲成年人电影网站| 久久一夜天堂av一区二区三区 | 91年精品国产| 色戒汤唯在线观看| 97精品免费视频| 91丝袜美腿高跟国产极品老师| ****av在线网毛片| 色综合久久88色综合天天看泰| 国产精品88888| 岛国av免费在线观看| 男女啪啪a级毛片| 亚洲一区二区三区四区五区黄| 九九在线高清精品视频| videoxxxx另类日本极品| 亚洲精品久久久久国产| 国产福利不卡视频| 欧美a一级片| www天堂网| 日韩一二三四区| 久久99久久久久久久久久久| 国产人成网在线播放va免费| 欧美成人免费播放| 国产精品色噜噜| 女人av一区| 女色窝人体色77777| 4438亚洲最大| 久久精品五月| av手机在线观看| 最近的中文字幕在线看视频| 一区二区视频在线看| 成人激情诱惑| 日韩电影网址| 久久精品国产精品亚洲| 久久久激情视频| heyzo欧美激情| 老司机在线免费视频| 日韩成人在线视频网站| 韩国女主播成人在线| 久久久精品一区二区毛片免费看| 久久免费精品一区二区| 色婷婷一区二区| 一区二区三区精品视频在线观看| 色呦呦视频在线观看| 欧美wwwwxxxx| 欧美蜜桃一区二区三区| 视频一区中文字幕国产| 2020日本在线视频中文字幕| 国产精品入口麻豆电影| 91精品欧美一区二区三区综合在| 韩国v欧美v日本v亚洲v| 国产美女久久| 色偷偷亚洲第一成人综合网址| 亚洲丁香久久久| 99久久99久久免费精品蜜臀| 丝袜美腿一区二区三区动态图| 天堂中文在线资| 97精品视频在线播放| 精品女厕一区二区三区| 男人的j进女人的j一区| 四虎国产精品成人免费影视| 福利片免费在线观看| 久久好看免费视频| 亚洲www啪成人一区二区麻豆| 国产欧美日韩一级| 91精品影视| 国产三级免费观看| 欧美大片在线看| 91黄色免费网站| 国产很黄免费观看久久| 亚洲区小说区图片区qvod按摩| 国产高清免费在线播放| 精品中文字幕不卡在线视频| 91精品欧美综合在线观看最新| 国产91精品欧美| 成人在线电影在线观看视频| 成人看片免费| 成年网站免费观看| 久久视频这里只有精品| 在线视频观看一区| 波多野结衣中文字幕一区二区三区| 久久91麻豆精品一区| 黑人精品视频| 美女露隐私免费网站| 欧美亚洲另类激情另类| 日韩欧美一区在线| 国产精品美女视频| 日本不卡在线视频| 久久av导航| 亚洲人成午夜免电影费观看| 成人福利视频导航| 四虎一区二区三区| 精品夜色国产国偷在线| 亚洲第一在线综合网站| 成人中文字幕电影| 欧美午夜不卡影院在线观看完整版免费| 成人在线爆射| 2021av在线| 大黑人xxx| 美女禁区视频免费观看精选| 亚洲欧美日韩中文视频| 欧美性生活大片免费观看网址| 久久只精品国产| 免费久久精品视频| 日韩毛片视频| 亚洲精品小区久久久久久| 日本亚洲视频| 影音成人av| 两个人看的在线视频www| 一二三四区在线观看| 日本视频在线播放| 国产免费视频在线| 亚洲图片123| 永久免费在线| 自拍偷拍第1页| 一级黄色av| 国产剧情演绎av| 成人免费黄色网址| 18岁以下禁止观看的美女视频| 性生活视频网址| 91caopron| 人与牲动交xxxbbb| 国产精品区一区二| 夜夜骑日日射| 亚洲成年人电影| 日韩视频在线一区| 亚洲欧美色婷婷| 日韩欧美一级在线播放| 在线观看免费成人| 亚洲一区二区三区美女| 日本一区二区三级电影在线观看| 高清成人在线观看| 久久91精品久久久久久秒播| 日韩黄色在线观看| 香蕉久久夜色精品| 伊人久久婷婷| 亚洲网址在线| 亚洲国产专区校园欧美| 久久精品亚洲人成影院| 91中文字幕精品永久在线| 精品一区二区三| 欧美最新另类人妖| 成人vr资源| 午夜片欧美伦| 欧美精品日韩| 91久久黄色| 久久一综合视频| 免费成人av在线播放| 男女男精品网站| 国产一区在线观看麻豆| 国产综合一区二区| 国产精品性做久久久久久| 国产呦萝稀缺另类资源| 成人午夜视频在线| 国产午夜精品一区二区三区四区| 99精品国产91久久久久久| 99re这里都是精品| 国产欧美一区二区精品性色| 日本一区二区综合亚洲| 中文字幕日韩一区| 亚洲国产日日夜夜| 欧美日韩精品系列| 亚洲成av人片在线观看香蕉| 日韩中文字幕视频在线观看| 97香蕉久久超级碰碰高清版| 久久精品国产麻豆| 很很鲁在线视频播放影院| 99在线欧洲视频| 日韩福利一区二区| 日本欧美电影在线观看| 日本另类视频| 日韩在线麻豆| 亚洲国产午夜| 国产精品自拍三区| 日本一二三四高清不卡| 色综合中文字幕国产| 亚洲精品在线三区| 欧美日韩成人在线播放| 国产视频二区三区| 国产香蕉视频在线观看| caopon在线免费视频| 视频欧美精品| 国产精品久久久久9999赢消| 男女av一区三区二区色多| 成人午夜av电影| 亚洲观看高清完整版在线观看| 91精品久久久久久久99蜜桃| 日韩网站免费观看高清| 欧美午夜性囗交xxxx| 久草在线免费福利| 97蜜桃久久| 欧洲专线二区三区| 日韩av不卡一区二区| 综合分类小说区另类春色亚洲小说欧美| 欧美自拍丝袜亚洲| 久久综合久中文字幕青草| 国产精品亚洲色图| 激情在线视频| 四虎影视成人精品国库在线观看| 午夜国产精品视频| 国产69精品久久久久毛片| 婷婷六月综合网| 色老头一区二区三区在线观看| 国产美女在线一区二区三区| 一二三四社区在线视频6| 国产精品扒开腿做爽爽爽视频软件| 成人嘿咻视频免费看| 国产精品自拍av| 在线亚洲免费视频| 久久伊人精品天天| h视频免费高清在线观看| 欧美家庭影院| 琪琪久久久久日韩精品|