Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there's a problem.
在眾多問題上，我們的安全與世界緊密相關(guān)，氣候變化只是其一。因此，我們需要回答的第三個(gè)大問題是：怎樣在不被孤立、不充當(dāng)世界警察的情況下，保持美國(guó)的安全和強(qiáng)大？

I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that's the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead – they call us.
剛才我說了，所有認(rèn)為美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退的言論都是政治性的大話。所有你聽到的關(guān)于美國(guó)的敵人越來越強(qiáng)大、而美國(guó)卻越發(fā)虛弱的言論，都是逞口舌之能。美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)是世界上最強(qiáng)大的國(guó)家。無需其他任何廢話。而且我們還會(huì)一直強(qiáng)大下去。我們的軍費(fèi)投入比排在我們后面的八個(gè)國(guó)家的總和還多。我們的部隊(duì)是世界歷史上最精銳的戰(zhàn)斗力量。沒有任何國(guó)家敢攻擊美國(guó)或者美國(guó)的盟國(guó)，因?yàn)樗麄冎滥鞘亲匀缤觥Ｓ姓{(diào)查顯示，目前美國(guó)的國(guó)際地位高于我當(dāng)選總統(tǒng)之初。當(dāng)重大國(guó)際問題出現(xiàn)時(shí)，世界人民不會(huì)指望中國(guó)或俄羅斯來領(lǐng)頭解決，他們會(huì)找我們。

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that's not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today's world, we're threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria – states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.
我每天的工作從聽取情報(bào)簡(jiǎn)報(bào)開始，因此我知道現(xiàn)在是一個(gè)危險(xiǎn)時(shí)期。但這并不是因?yàn)槊绹?guó)力量的削弱，或者某個(gè)超級(jí)大國(guó)的崛起。在當(dāng)今世界，與其說邪惡獨(dú)裁國(guó)對(duì)我們構(gòu)成威脅，不如說經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退國(guó)對(duì)我們的影響更大。中東正在經(jīng)歷一場(chǎng)將持續(xù)二三十年的大變革，其發(fā)生的根源可追溯至一千年前的沖突。中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)的轉(zhuǎn)型正在對(duì)我們產(chǎn)生沖擊。盡管面臨自身經(jīng)濟(jì)衰退，俄羅斯依舊投入大量資源到烏克蘭和敘利亞——這兩個(gè)正脫離正常軌道的國(guó)家。二戰(zhàn)以后我們建立的國(guó)際體系如今難以適應(yīng)新形勢(shì)的需要。

It's up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.
我們有責(zé)任重建國(guó)際體系。而這意味著，我們必須對(duì)事務(wù)進(jìn)行優(yōu)先排序。

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.
美國(guó)政府的首要任務(wù)是保護(hù)美國(guó)人民，打擊恐怖主義網(wǎng)絡(luò)。基地組織和“伊斯蘭國(guó)”都直接威脅到美國(guó)人民的安全——在當(dāng)今世界，哪怕只有一小撮無視他人和自己生命的恐怖分子，也會(huì)造成巨大危害。他們利用網(wǎng)絡(luò)毒害美國(guó)境內(nèi)人們的思想；他們破壞我們和盟友的關(guān)系。

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That's the story ISIL wants to tell; that's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world's largest religions. We just need to call them what they are – killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.
但當(dāng)我們集中精力消滅“伊斯蘭國(guó)”時(shí)，卻有人言過其實(shí)地說這是第三次世界大戰(zhàn)。這種說法正中某些人下懷。許多武裝分子登上皮卡車，靈魂扭曲的人在公寓或車庫(kù)里謀劃著生命著——這些都對(duì)平民構(gòu)成巨大威脅，必須予以制止。但恐怖分子并沒有威脅到美國(guó)的“國(guó)家存在”。這就是“伊斯蘭國(guó)”想要透露出來的信息；這是他們招募恐怖分子時(shí)的宣傳伎倆。我們不能先壯大他們?nèi)缓箫@示我們可以來真的；也不能中了“伊斯蘭國(guó)代表世界最大宗教之一”的圈套，導(dǎo)致在這場(chǎng)斗爭(zhēng)中重要盟友離我們遠(yuǎn)去。我們要認(rèn)清他們的真面目——他們就是殺手、瘋子，必須予以追蹤、緝捕并摧毀。

That's exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.
而這恰恰是我們正在做的事情。過去一年多，美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)著60多個(gè)國(guó)家的聯(lián)盟，切斷“伊斯蘭國(guó)”的資金來源，發(fā)掘他們的陰謀詭計(jì)，阻止武裝分子的人員流動(dòng)，消除他們邪惡意識(shí)形態(tài)的影響。我們發(fā)動(dòng)了近萬(wàn)次空襲，除掉他們的恐怖頭目，破壞他們的石油供給，搗毀他們的訓(xùn)練營(yíng)和武器。我們?yōu)檎谥鸩綂Z回伊拉克和敘利亞領(lǐng)土的武裝力量提供培訓(xùn)、武器裝備和其他支持。

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America's commitment – or mine – to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.
如果本屆國(guó)會(huì)真的希望贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，同時(shí)向我們的軍隊(duì)和整個(gè)世界傳達(dá)反恐決心，你們就應(yīng)該授權(quán)軍事力量介入對(duì)抗“伊斯蘭國(guó)”。可以投票表決。但美國(guó)人民應(yīng)當(dāng)知道，無論國(guó)會(huì)是否行動(dòng)，伊斯蘭國(guó)也必將和以往的恐怖分子一樣，得到應(yīng)有的懲罰。如果你們懷疑美國(guó)或是我個(gè)人伸張正義的決心，不妨問問奧薩馬?本?拉登。問問去年被擊斃的也門基地組織頭目，或者已成階下囚的班加西事件主謀。如果你和美國(guó)過不去，美國(guó)絕不會(huì)放過你。這可能需要一些時(shí)間，但我們的記憶力很好，我們的打擊沒有時(shí)限。

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world – in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.
我們的外交政策焦點(diǎn)是“伊斯蘭國(guó)”和基地組織的威脅，但并不僅限于此。因?yàn)榧词箾]有“伊斯蘭國(guó)”，未來幾十年里，全球許多地區(qū)（包括中東、阿富汗和巴基斯坦、中美洲部分地區(qū)、非洲和亞洲）仍將動(dòng)蕩不安。它們中的有些地方有可能變成新的恐怖主義溫床；有些則會(huì)深陷民族沖突或大饑荒，滋生新一輪難民潮。世界人民會(huì)指望我們?nèi)ソ鉀Q這些問題，我們的回應(yīng)不能只是嘴上功夫：不斷使用強(qiáng)硬的措辭，做給平民們看。這種回應(yīng)可能在電視新聞上起點(diǎn)作用，但世界人民感受不到切實(shí)的鼓舞。

We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That's not leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It's the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq – and we should have learned it by now.
我們也不能接管和重建每個(gè)陷入危機(jī)的國(guó)家。那不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力，那樣只會(huì)將我們拖入泥潭，白白浪費(fèi)美國(guó)人民的熱血和財(cái)富，最終削弱我們自己。這是越戰(zhàn)和伊戰(zhàn)給我們的教訓(xùn)——我們?cè)缭撱懹浽谛摹?/p>

Fortunately, there's a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.
幸運(yùn)的是，我們有更明智的辦法。這是一個(gè)耐心、克制的策略，能充分發(fā)揮國(guó)家的每一分力量。這個(gè)策略就是：美國(guó)一定會(huì)采取行動(dòng)——必要時(shí)單獨(dú)行動(dòng)——以保護(hù)我們的人民和盟友；但在全球共同關(guān)注的問題上，我們會(huì)動(dòng)員全世界與我們一起行動(dòng)，確保其他國(guó)家也盡到自己的職責(zé)。

That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.
這就是我們應(yīng)對(duì)敘利亞等沖突時(shí)采取的方法：我們與當(dāng)?shù)剀婈?duì)合作，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)所有國(guó)際力量，共同幫助這個(gè)千瘡百孔的社會(huì)實(shí)現(xiàn)長(zhǎng)久和平。

That's why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.
這就是為什么我們要建立全球聯(lián)盟，通過制裁和有原則的外交手段防止伊朗擁有核武器。現(xiàn)在，伊朗已放棄核項(xiàng)目，運(yùn)出濃縮鈾儲(chǔ)備，世界避免了又一場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的爆發(fā)。

That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.
這也是我們?cè)谖鞣亲柚拱２├《緜鞑r(shí)采取的方法。我們的軍隊(duì)、醫(yī)生和研究人員先搭好平臺(tái)，然后集結(jié)其他國(guó)家加入抗擊埃博拉的戰(zhàn)役。

That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn't set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.
這還是我們建立跨太平洋伙伴關(guān)系協(xié)定（TPP）時(shí)采取的方法。該協(xié)定能打開市場(chǎng)、保護(hù)工人利益、保護(hù)環(huán)境，還能增強(qiáng)美國(guó)在亞洲的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。它將取消針對(duì)18000種美國(guó)制造商品征收的關(guān)稅，創(chuàng)造更多優(yōu)質(zhì)就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。在TPP協(xié)定下，中國(guó)不再是當(dāng)?shù)刭Q(mào)易規(guī)則的制定者，我們才是。你們想要美國(guó)在本世紀(jì)展現(xiàn)它的強(qiáng)大國(guó)力？那么就通過這一協(xié)議。給我們執(zhí)行協(xié)議的工具。

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That's why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.
孤立古巴的50年未能推進(jìn)這一地區(qū)的民主進(jìn)程，反而削弱了我們?cè)诶∶乐薜挠绊懥Α＿@就是為什么我們要恢復(fù)與古巴的外交關(guān)系，開啟旅游和經(jīng)商之門，幫助改善古巴人民的生活。你們想要鞏固我們?cè)谀习肭虻念I(lǐng)導(dǎo)力和可信度？那么就承認(rèn)冷戰(zhàn)已經(jīng)結(jié)束，解除禁運(yùn)吧。

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world – except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change – that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria – something I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.
21世紀(jì)，美國(guó)體現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的方式并非只有下面兩個(gè)選擇：除了打擊恐怖主義，再不關(guān)心其他世界事務(wù)；抑或，占領(lǐng)和重建每個(gè)正在土崩瓦解的社會(huì)。領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力意味著明智地運(yùn)用武力，團(tuán)結(jié)全世界的力量實(shí)現(xiàn)偉大目標(biāo)。它意味著將海外援助視為國(guó)家安全的一部分，而非施舍。當(dāng)我們領(lǐng)導(dǎo)近200個(gè)國(guó)家簽署史上最具雄心的氣候協(xié)議時(shí)，不僅幫助了易受氣候變化影響的國(guó)家，也在造福我們的后代。我們協(xié)助烏克蘭捍衛(wèi)民主，我們幫助哥倫比亞結(jié)束長(zhǎng)達(dá)十年的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)——這同時(shí)也鞏固了我們賴以發(fā)展的國(guó)際秩序。當(dāng)我們幫非洲國(guó)家解決饑荒、抗擊病疫時(shí)，我們也防止了下一場(chǎng)大規(guī)模疫情危及美國(guó)。目前，我們正努力消除艾滋病帶來的危害，我們也有能力消滅瘧疾——這也是今年我會(huì)督促本屆國(guó)會(huì)資助的項(xiàng)目。

That's strength. That's leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it's expensive, it's unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.
這才是國(guó)力，這才是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。這種領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力需要美國(guó)做出表率。這就是為什么我一直致力于關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄：這一監(jiān)獄耗資巨大，沒有必要，只會(huì)為我們的敵人繼續(xù)招兵買馬提供說辭。

That's why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn't a matter of political correctness. It's a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn't make us safer. That's not telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.
這就是我們不該在政治上以人種和宗教區(qū)分別人的原因。這不是政治正確性的問題，而是我們必須知道美國(guó)強(qiáng)大的原因。世界敬重我們并非因?yàn)槲覀兾淞?qiáng)大，而是因?yàn)槲覀兊姆N族多樣性，因?yàn)槲覀兊陌莺蛯?duì)每種信仰的尊重。教宗方濟(jì)各曾站在這個(gè)講臺(tái)上和在座的議員說過：“如果你像暴君和殺人犯一樣充滿仇恨和暴力，那你也會(huì)很快成為他們那樣的人。”有的政治家侮辱穆斯林，有人肆意破壞清真寺，有孩童受到欺辱……這些都不會(huì)讓我們的國(guó)家更安全。我們美國(guó)人不應(yīng)該是這樣的人。這種做法大錯(cuò)特錯(cuò)。它貶低了我們?cè)谑澜缪壑械男蜗螅屛覀兏y達(dá)成目標(biāo)。而且它背離了美國(guó)的國(guó)家本質(zhì)。